NLD Divided on Party Registration

After announcements that NLD shall boycott the 2010 elections if the junta does not sit for a dialogue (where events obviously say the Junta is not interested in), comes the news that NLD is divided on registering the party for the 2010 elections. NLD now shows an undivided image and clearly shows something definitely wrong happened somewhere in a political scenario which in the first place shows all the odds for NLD to announce its earlier decision. Here's an interview-report from The Irrawaddy.

On March 29, more than 100 National League for Democracy (NLD) party leaders from across the country will meet at the party's Rangoon headquarters to discuss whether to register the party under the junta's election law. Though Aung San Suu Kyi has publicly said she is against her party registering, the party leadership remains divided. Longtime Suu Kyi supporter Win Tin, 80, who was released in September 2008 after more than 19 years in prison said he would probably retire if the majority decide to register. Khin Maung Swe, 67, a leading party official who spent 14 years in prison supports registration and joining the election even though this means the party must expel Suu Kyi under the junta law. Both spoke to The Irrawaddy on the party's future.

Win Tin
Question: Could you give us three specific reasons why you are for or against party registration?

Answer: If we register the party, we have to expel Daw Suu and other detained party leaders. The details of the party registration laws are not clear about whether Daw Suu could rejoin the party after her release and it would be up to the election commission. The second reason is that if we register the party we have to vow to protect the junta's Constitution, which we have repeatedly said is unacceptable. The third factor is that after registration, we will have to police the “illegal” activities of party members and warn them they will be expelled if they continue those activities. This will guarantee that no one in the party will dare express his ideas at the risk of imprisonment.

More here

China Comes to Junta's Rescue Again

China has permanent interests over Burma. With its veto power lording over UN's Security Council, China has repeatedly blocked initiatives to make the junta accountable to human rights violations and now, to a move by UK to raise the issue of the regime's electoral laws. Why can't the UN change it's own system if the present UNSC policies are not helping at all in calling for an international call? The UN continues to aid China which continues to aid the junta if it will not reform some of its suppressive laws. Nonetheless, The Irrawaddy writes here:

Beijing has once again come to the defense of Burma's ruling junta, using its permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to block a move by the UK to raise the issue of the regime's recently announced electoral laws.

“A number of council members support the idea of discussing Burma and getting an update on the situation there. It’s the subject of negotiations with the Chinese at the moment, who are always reluctant on these matters,” a Western diplomat told Reuters on Friday.

Following the announcement of new electoral laws on March 8 that ban Burma’s pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other dissidents from contesting this year's planned election, Burma's ruling generals have faced a fresh wave of international condemnation.

In an effort to apply pressure on the junta to review the laws, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, whose country is also a permanent member of the UNSC, sent a letter to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon earlier this week requesting an emergency meeting to discuss the matter.

“Burma has ignored the demands of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary-General, the US, EU and its neighbors by imposing restrictive and unfair terms on elections,” Brown said on Monday, adding that the UK would seek international support to impose an arms embargo against Burma.

More here in The Irrawaddy

Leaflets distributed in Rangoon condemning 2010 polls

Burmese people say No to 2010 elections! Distributing leaflets to let people be critical to the 2010 elections has made its rounds in Rangoon and other ethnic states of the country. A people's right to information can not be curtailed even in a junta-ruled country. More here in Mizzima.

New Delhi (Mizzima) – In the first signs of blatant dissent towards the 2010 general elections, leaflets were secretly distributed condemning both the polls and the 2008 Constitution in crowded places in Rangoon.

The distribution of leaflets among the people at busy road intersections and bus stops in some townships in Rangoon has come as a surprise.

"These places usually boast advertisement leaflets for tuitions and beauty parlours. People found the portrait of Bogyoke (General) Aung San, independence architect on the top of the leaflet. Two people distributed the leaflets and vanished. Some people tore them after reading, possibly because they were afraid," a man waiting at bus stop in Pansodan township said.pamphlets-2008constitution2

There were similar distributions in Mingala market, Yuzana Plaza and Kyaukmyaung market bus stop in Tamwe Township yesterday morning.

"Young activists have been into such kind of activities since February. Distributing triple folded leaflets cannot be done like selling newspapers and journals so they have to do it in busy places stealthily," Thai based Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB) General Secretary Dr. Naing Aung said.

Similar leaflet distributions were made since last month by young activists in Burma in Arakan State, Mandalay, Sagaing and Pegu Divisions besides Rangoon, he added.

More in Mizzima

Junta Bans Election News

The media in Burma face suppression of writing events as they unfold related to the 2010 elections. Journalists are repressed to write the truth and report the events as they happen with the Press Scrutiny Board censoring their writings. Whatever the people say and think about the 2010 elections is clamped up by a paranoid and control freak Burmese junta. More on this from Irrawaddy:

In the latest sign that this year's vote will be neither free nor fair, Burma's ruling junta has ordered censors to ban reports on new election laws and other controversial election-related issues, according to Rangoon-based journalists.

Street vendors sort newspapers reporting on new election laws in Rangoon.

“Soon after the election laws were announced, we interviewed members of various political parties to get their views on this subject,” said the chief editor of one Rangoon-based journal. “But when we submitted our reports to the censor board, we were told we couldn't publish them.”

Besides the recently announced election laws, the journals are also forbidden to report on the situation of the opposition National League for Democracy, which faces dissolution if it refuses to expel its leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

“Except for 'optimistic' news that is identical to what we can find in the state-run newspapers, we are not permitted to write anything about the election,” the editor said.

“There are pro-government parties and opposition parties. We can't say it's fair if the regime only allows us to report on what the pro-government parties are saying,” said a Rangoon-based reporter.

According to sources in Rangoon, a special body has been formed to oversee the work of the Press Scrutiny Board during the election period. The censor board must now submit draft publications to a “special security force” consisting of high-ranking officials, including Lt-Gen Myint Swe, who is close to junta head Sen-Gen Than Shwe.

Most of the private weekly journals in Rangoon, including The Myanmar Times, Biweekly Eleven, Modern and 7 Day News, have had articles pulled by the censor board because they touched on sensitive issues related to the election, sources said.

Source: Irrawaddy

Ethnic Leaders To Boycott Election

By Lawe Weng

Several ethnic leaders who were elected in 1990 election in Burma reaffirmed they will not participate in the election without a review of the 2008 Constitution and the release of all political prisoners, even if the junta disbands their political parties.

The leaders said their political parties will continue to exist if their people wish them to carry on with political activities and they said they will continue to support the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the Shwegondaing Declaration.

The Shwegoindaing Declaration, released by the NLD in April 2009, calls for a review of the controversial Constitution, political dialogue and the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.

Sai Leik, the spokesperson of Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) told The Irrawaddy, on Thursday: “We will not participate in the election as our leaders have been detained in prison. No matter whether the government recognizes our party or not, our party will exist if our people wish us to carry on with our duties.”

“This election law is biased. It is not based on the people's wishes. If this were a move to real democracy, then Aung San Suu Kyi and the ethnic leaders who were elected by the people should be able to participate,” he said.

Pu Cin Sian Thang, a spokesman for the United Nationalities Alliance (UNA), a coalition of 12 ethnic parties that contested and won 67 seats in the 1990 elections, said, “The UNA will not participate at election.”

He said they will hold a meeting with all members this week and discuss how they are going to work together in the future for their party.

In February last year, the UNA issued a statement condemning the Constitution as a means to make Burma's ethnic nationalities subordinate to the Burman majority and because it hands “supreme power” to the military's commander in chief.

Aye Thar Aung, the secretary of the Committee Representing the Peoples' Parliament (CRPP) and the acting chairman of the Arakan League for Democracy said: “Our CRPP principle is to recognize the 1990 election result. Accordingly we will keep to our principle and not join this election.”

“Elections are just part of the democratic process. If there is no political space to practice democracy in this election, there will be no democratic or ethnic rights afterward,” he said.

More here in Irrawaddy

An Alternative Solution to Amend the Constitution

Burma’s election this year is now widely regarded domestically and internationally as a means to institutionalize the military’s grip on power under the 2008 Constitution, rather than establishing a democratic system in the country.

It is a widespread belief among the democratic opposition, including the National League for Democracy (NLD), which for 20 years has been attempting to shift the military away from politics and to concentrate on its primary responsibility of “national defense and security.”

The unequivocal denial of Snr-Gen Than Shwe to review the Constitution before the election, as demanded by the NLD, has finally ended the NLD’s long quest to achieve a political dialogue between the junta leader and Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the party which won a landslide victory in the 1990 election but the results of which were never recognized by the junta.

More here in Irrawaddy

Burma's New Election Law Condemned

RANGOON— A decision by Burma's military junta to bar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from upcoming elections drew sharp criticism from around the world, with one of the country's Southeast Asian neighbors Thursday calling it "a complete farce."

A new election law announced Wednesday prohibits anyone convicted of a crime — as Suu Kyi was in August — from being a member of a political party. That makes the detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate ineligible to become a candidate in elections scheduled for some time later this year.

Another law published Thursday in state-owned newspapers formally invalidated the country's last elections, held 20 years ago. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party won a landslide victory in those polls, but the junta ignored the results and has kept Suu Kyi jailed or under house arrest for 14 years since then.

More here in Irrawaddy

Boycott Burma's 2010 Elections!

InterVIEWS by Gina Dizon
and KNGY

The 2010 elections will neither resolve the political crisis nor will it lead to national reconciliation and democracy. - Min Bone Kyew, Secretary General, Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) and Secretary General, National Democratic Front (NDF)

The National Democratic Front (NDF) composed of Arakan Liberation Party( ALP), Chin National Front (CNF), Karen National Union (KNU), Lahu Democratic Union ( LDU), New Mon State Party (NMSP), Pa-o National Liberation Organization (PNLO), Palaung State Liberation Front( PSLF) and the Wa National Organization (WNO) reaffirm their statement calling for the boycott of the 2010 elections.

The NDF boycotts the 2010 elections because the 2008 Constitution was adopted by force in order to perpetuate military dictatorship. People have no liberties to exercise their political and social rights. It provides no democracy and there is no guarantee for ethnic rights. There is no freedom of expression and no freedom to organize political parties. The 2008 Constitution gives possession and control of natural resources to the State. It provides for excessive centralization of power instead of providing federal rights in Member States. The 2008 Constitution perpetuates the rule of military dictatorship. The Military government controls the power through the National Security Council which can usurp power from the government anytime.

We see therefore the 2008 Constitution as un-acceptable. We propose instead a Federal constitution.

We call then for a dialogue with the SPDC government to address issues of the 2008 Constitution including release of political prisoners. If it takes a dialogue to talk about our proposal for a federal government, then a dialogue is in order.

We are promoting our calls through the media to the NLD and to ethnic parties. People continue the call for democracy in Burma following the 2004 arrest of Khu Too Oo chairperson of Shan National League for Democracy (SNLD) sentenced for 96 years; and Sai Nyew Lwe, secretary of SNLD sentenced for 80 years.

We ask the international community including the UN, ASEAN, EU to apply more effective pressure upon the SPDC through dialogue and negotiation. We urge the international community to call on SPDC to cease its acts against ethnic nationalities, impose UN arms embargo, block capital investments, impose sanctions, and call on SPDC to hold an inclusive political dialogue for national reconciliation.

(NDF on Border Guard Force: “The position of the main ceasefire organizations, rejecting the SPDC’s proposal to transform their armies into Border Guard Force, is the same as our (NDF) position on the matter.”-Re-affirmed NDF Statement)

***
If there is no release of political prisoners and no review of the Constitution, NLD will boycott the 2010 elections. - Khun Myint Tun, Labor Minister, National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB); member of Parliament, Thaton Constituency, National League of Democracy; Member of Secretariat, National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB).

National League of Democracy (NLD) leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyii rightly stated “ holding a new election without recognizing the 1990 election results is like playing a dangerous game with the country’s future. That is why we cannot accept a new election”

The NLD won 82% of seats in Parliament during the 1990 elections but their legitimacy was not recognized with the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi. State Law and Order restoration Council (SLORC) did not convene the Parliament 60 days after the elections. The NLD then met two months after the 1990 elections and passed the Ghandhi Declaration calling for the transfer of power to the NLD as the winning party and convening of the Parliament. In response, the junta issued State Order 1/90 stating that SLORC has the right to exercise legislative, executive, and judicial powers. The State Order also called for the elected Representatives to draft the Constitution and People’s Assembly to be convened. But the SPDC did not convene the Parliament till now.

Recently in April, 2009, the NLD issued the Shwe Gon Daing Declaration which demands release of all political prisoners, review of the 2008 Constitution, and a dialogue. The dialogue calls for the recognition of the 1990 elections and transfer power to the elected members of Parliament. The minimum that we demand from SPDC is to review and amend the 2008 Constitution.

Calls for a dialogue and release political prisoners had been on- going since the 1988 Uprising. Yet, the SPDC never granted a dialogue up to now despite repeated requests. It is obvious that they want to continue their own military rule. In November 11, 2009, NLD sent to General than Shwe reiterating the calls of the Shwe Gon Daing Declaration. Up to now, we did not get a response. Last January 4 on Burma’s Independence Day, General than Than Shwe declared that the SPDC government will continue their military roadmap.

We want to change the system but the SPDC does not want. We want to call for a dialogue for a democratic Burma and ethnic recognition, but the SPDC does not want.

The international community’s help is needed. A recent symposium in Japan in November 23, 2009 on the “Shwe Gon Daing Declaration; Gateway to National Reconciliation on the Union of Burma”, attended by some Japanese Government officials, called for a dialogue with the SPDC government.

The NCGUB on its National Reconciliation Program also sent their intentions to the UN calling for meaningful dialogue to happen with the military regime.

We call on the international community not to recognize the 2010 elections if meaningful dialogue is not granted.

At the same time, we are calling for legal action against the SPDC in the US Federal Court and UN’s International Criminal Court (ICC). Military abuses of persons in power are separately dealt with from the call for meaningful dialogue from the SPDC as the ruling government.
The people in Burma are also getting more enlightened on their rights, and what the 2008 Constitution is as compared to our envisioned Federal Constitution.

***
The 2010 elections is not the solution for a democratic change in Burma.- Khin Ohmar, Chairperson, Network for Democracy and Development (NDD), Foreign Affairs Secretary, Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB); Coordinator, Burma Partnership.

It is up to us, the people of Burma to come together and work for a common cause. We see ethnic nationalities with people from mainstream Burma coming together. We have diverse youth members from the Students Youth of Burma (SCYB), Nationalities Youth Forum (NYF) and the Women’s League of Burma (WLB). We have members from different parts of Burma joining in the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB); and other networks joining in the call for a principled boycott of the 2010 elections.

If all people combine efforts, we keep the same energy and pace. We continue to cherish and praise diversity.

This overarching issue of democratic rights places a challenge to ethnic identity. I take this struggle for ethnic identity as a normal cause because there is a need for it by the ethnic population. That they should be safe as they have suffered for so long. It is important for people to have that right of self identity. Identity to who they are and to where they belong. But not to confine ourselves in our own ethnic identities. If we confine ourselves to our own particular group and not open up to other groups, then our vision can become limited.

If we see this holistic picture of Burma and if we have a wider perspective, we can see this as a challenge. If, to reach out is the objective of the Federal Union, we step out of our ethnic identities then we can be able to see a common ground among the diversities. It is still a challenge to work and overcome differences to build mutual trust among each other.

We continue to keep fighting. I should be able to do the most that I can for those in prison who fought for democracy in our country. I think of the hope and keep up the struggle if it is the right call for life.

(FDB is a member of the Movement for Democracy and Rights of Ethnic Nationalities composed of 10 alliances including NYF, SCYB, WLB, NCGUB, MPU, NLD-LA, NDF, DAB, and NCUB. Together, the Movement sees the 2010 elections , under the rule of the military’s 2008 constitution will not only fail to address the root cause of Burma’s crisis but will in fact further entrench military rule sowing the seeds for further instability and armed conflict. The Movement then calls for (1) the release of all political prisoners, (2) cessation of all hostilities against ethnic groups and pro-democracy forces, and (3) inclusive dialogue with key stakeholders from democracy groups and ethnic nationalities including a review of the 2008 Constitution. The Movement sees the 2008 Constitution systematically entrenches injustice that will prolong conflict and instability in ethnically diverse Burma.)

***
We call for the boycott of the 2010 elections and oppose the 2008 Constitution which provides for the legitimacy of the Generals to stay in power.- Naw San, Secretary General, Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)

The SYCB oppose the 2010 elections because the 2008 Constitution which shall be adopted by the Parliament after the 2010 elections, is not democratic and does not grant equality rights for ethnic minorities of Burma.

Also, the election is not inclusive. There is no freedom to organize among political parties. What we see clearly is that there are no political parties joining the election. The National League of Democracy (NLD) is rethinking their position if they will join or not dependent on the following conditions adopted in the Shwe Gon Daing Manifestion in April 29, 2009. These are (1) Release of political prisoners, (2) Review 2008 Constitution and (3) Free and fair elections. If these are not granted, NLD will oppose the 2010 elections. But am sure the regime will not release the political prisoners and they will not review 2008 Constitution.

The SPDC might invite UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and project that elections is the step for democratic change which may lead international leaders to support SPDC. But, we have to look back at the past and take note that the root cause of the problems of Burma is rooted in a Constitution which does not provide democratic rights and equality rights for ethnic minorities. This is noted in the 1974 Constitution and now in the 2008 Constitution. We are slaves to the regime forever if the Constitution will not be changed.

We call for the boycott of the 2010 elections and oppose the 2008 Constitution which provides for the legitimacy of the Generals to stay in power.The Generals want to be ensured of their businesses and their repressive power on the lives of the people.

To boycott the 2010 elections, youth are actively campaigning against the 2010 elections in Burma. They spray the walls in the main cities calling for boycotting the 2010 elections. In the country sides, the youth are active doing education and organizing activities particularly in Shan and Arakan States.

The movement for change and the need for democratic change are felt more so after the Saffron Revolution in 2007. In 2007, there are some 1000 political prisoners. Now, there are 2100 political prisoners.

Even among the military group, unrest is growing. This is very visible on the house arrest of General Khin Nyunt. Police also want increase of salary.

Since the 2008 Constitution is unacceptable, SYCB calls for a Federal Constitution which basically enshrines a democratic Burma and equality rights for ethnic minorities.

SYCB together with the Women’s League of Burma (WLB), National Youth Forum (NYF), FDB (Forum Democratic Burma), National Democratic Front (NDF), DAB ( Democratic Alliance of Burma), MPU (Member Parliament Union) and NCGUB re-affirm a statement calling for the boycott of the 2010 elections.

***
KNGY enjoins the international community not to support the 2010 elections as it does not lead to meaningful democratic change in Burma.-Khun Francis, Foreign Affairs Office, Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY)

In behalf of KNGY, I don’t support the 2010 elections because there is no guarantee for ethnic people’s rights in the 2008 Constitution which is to be adopted by the winning party. The 2008 Constitution has many weak points for people’s democratic rights. The military is ensured of 25% legislative seats in Government. This makes the military government ensured of its power.

The 2008 Constitution requires that the President should have military experience. Anyone should be qualified to run as President provided he is capable to run the country but not necessarily to place military experience as a qualification for one becoming President of the country.

Also, ethnic peoples are the ones who know what they need so they should have the right to have their own State Constitution and draft their own laws within the context of Federal Union of Burma.

KNGY joins other ethnic groups and political democracy groups to keep on working for democratic rights and gain Federal rights for ethnic peoples.

***
KWYO calls for the review of the 2008 Constitution. That there shall be women’s rights included in the Constitution as to equality on employment, education, and participation in politics.-
Mu Iris, Chairperson, Kayan Youth Women’s Organization (KYWO)

KYWO does not accept the 2010 elections because it will be conducted in the same way as how the 2008 Referendum was done. Besides, the 2008 Constitution does not provide for ethnic rights and rights for women.

Because of this, KYWO will be conducting media campaigns to call for non-participation in the 2010 elections. Education about the 2008 Constitution among women in the Kayan Region shall be done also.

We especially call for women representatives in legislative seats in government because the present patriarchal culture makes it difficult for women to get into political leadership.

***
I want the government to have peaceful dialogue with the people on their concerns. But if the SPDC will be violent, I will join the armed group to fight the SPDC.-
Khun Petpot, Migrant Worker

I am against the 2010 elections. Just like the 2008 Referendum done under fraudulent and coercive conditions, the 2010 elections will also be done in the same manner.

Most people in the ethnic regions say they don’t want to join the 2010 elections but they can’t go against it because they are afraid if the SPDC will hurt them.
Nonetheless, people are getting organized and know more about the political situation in Burma, and learning what the 2008 Constitution is all about in comparison to the Federal Constitution.

LINKS
Northern Philippine Times
Burma Partnership
Burma Democratic Concern
Northern Philippine Times
All Voices

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2010 elections 'unacceptable', Burmese activists call Junta for dialogue

(Part 11)
By Gina Dizon

THAILAND- Burmese revolutionaries and activists say the 2010 elections is not the answer for a democratic change in Burma, nor will it lead to national reconciliation. Instead, they ask for a dialogue with the junta-led State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) for a review of the 2008 Constitution, release of all political prisoners, and recognition of the 1990 elections.

Khun Myint Tun (in photo), Labor Minister of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) of the National League of Democracy (NLD) considers the 2010 elections as 'unacceptable' with the non-recognition of the 1990 election winners. He agrees with NLD leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who stated, “Holding a new election without recognizing the 1990 election results is like playing a dangerous game with the country’s future. That is why we cannot accept a new election.”

The transfer of power to the Members of Parliament who won the 1990 elections is a top demand of the NCGUB.

The NLD won 82% of seats in Parliament during the 1990 elections but their legitimacy was not recognized with the house arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi. State Law and Order restoration Council (SLORC) then did not convene the Parliament 60 days after the elections. The NLD then met two months after the 1990 elections and passed the Ghandhi Declaration calling for the transfer of power to the NLD as the winning party and convening of the Parliament.

Yet, Khun Myint Tun who is also Member of Secretariat of the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) says, “The SPDC never granted a dialogue up to now despite repeated requests. It is obvious that they want to continue their own military rule. In November 11, 2009, NLD reminded General Than Shwe on the calls of the Shwe Gon Daing Declaration. Up to now, we did not get a response”, he said.

NLD issued the Shwe Gon Doing Declaration in April 1009 which demands release of all political prisoners, review of the 2008 Constitution, and a dialogue. The dialogue calls for the recognition of the 1990 elections and transfer of power to the elected members of Parliament.

“The minimum that we demand from SPDC is to review and amend the 2008 Constitution. But if there is no release of political prisoners and no review of the Constitution, NLD will boycott the 2010 elections”, Khun Myint Tun said.

Release of all political prisoners is a top demand of the Shwe Gon Daing Declaration.

In 2007, there were only a thousand plus political prisoners. Now, there are 2200 political prisoners. “This means, the democratic movement is growing and the people are restless yet hopeful”, Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SCYCB) General Secretary Naw San said.

The Burmese militants and activists are one in saying the democratic movement inside Burma is increasing with more people getting informed and enlightened of their rights.

Democratic activists call for international support “not to support the 2010 elections if meaningful dialogue is not granted”.

National Democratic Front (NDF) spokesperson and Secretary General Min Bone Kyew said, "We ask the international community including the UN, ASEAN and the European Union to apply more effective pressure upon the SPDC. We urge the international community to ask the SPDC to cease its acts against ethnic nationalities, impose UN arms embargo, block capital investments, impose sanctions, and call on SPDC to hold an inclusive political dialogue for national reconciliation.”

“At the same time, we are calling for legal action against the SPDC in the US Federal Court and UN’s International Criminal Court (ICC). Military abuses of persons in power are separately dealt with from the call for meaningful dialogue from the SPDC”, Khun Myint said.

Northern Philippine Times
Burma Partnership
Burma Democratic Concern
All Voices

Burmese activists call for dialogue with the Junta

(Part 1)
By Gina Dizon

THAILAND - Burmese revolutionaries and activists are saying a common statement on the country’s 2010 elections. They are boycotting the 2010 elections. The common sentiment is that 2010 elections is not the answer for a democratic change in Burma, nor will it lead to national reconciliation. Instead, they want a dialogue with the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) for a review of the 2008 Constitution, release of all political prisoners, and recognition of the 1990 elections.

National Democratic Front (NDF) Secretary General Min Bone Kyew who also sits as Secretary General of Palaung State Liberation Front (PSLF) said, “The 2008 Constitution perpetuates the rule of military dictatorship.”

The 2008 Constitution approved in the May 2008 Referendum conducted under reported incidents of fraud, ensures 25% legislative seats reserved for personnel of the Defense Services as nominated by the Commander in Chief of the Defense Services. The 2008 Constitution provides for authoritarian military supremacy headed by the Commander in Chief who supervises the Security Council. There are four ministries directly under the Commander in Chief -National Security, Minister of Border Affairs, Minister of Home Affairs, and the Minister of Defense.

The 2008 Constitution shall be adopted by the winning party in the 2010 elections.

Secretary General Naw San of the Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB) says, “The 2008 Constitution provides for the legitimacy of the Generals to stay in power. The Generals want to be ensured of their businesses and their repressive power on the lives of the people.”

With their intention to keep the military junta in power, the SPDC is also trying to get the ethnic armed forces to the Border Guard Force (BGF). Reports however say the ceasefire groups are rejecting the call of the government. This include the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) while no agreement has been reached yet between the United Wa State Army’ (UWSA) and the junta.

As part of the re-affirmed NDF statement calling for a boycott on the 2010 elections, NDF says, “The position of the main ceasefire organizations, rejecting the SPDC’s proposal to transform their armies into Border Guard Force, is the same as our (NDF) position on the matter.”

Democratic activists also call for ethnic rights and equality in the Burma Constitution.

Considering the 2008 Constitution as “ un-acceptable”, Min Bone Kyew said, “The 2008 Constitution provides no ethnic rights.”

Burma is currently made up of seven divisions and seven ethnic states namely Kayah, Mon, Kachin, Chin, Shan, Rachine, and Kayin under a junta government.

Foreign Affairs Officer Khun Francis of Kayan New Generation Youth (KNGY) adds, “Ethnic peoples are the ones who know what they need so they should have the right to have their own State Constitution and draft their own laws within the context of Federal Union of Burma.”

Min Bone Kyew, Khun Francis and Naw San envision a Federal Constitution for the Union of Burma.

The envisioned Federal Constitution drafted by the Federal Constitution Drafting Committee (FCDC) reached its second draft in October 2008. It provides for Member States to formulate their own Constitution. Each independent Member State though shall exist in harmony with the Union of Burma through the principle of power sharing.

The FCDC is composed of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB), National Democratic Front (NDF), and United Nationalities League for Democracy Liberated Areas (UNLD-LA), WLB, NY-Forum and SYCB.

The struggle for ethnic identity is seen by Khin Ohmar, Chairperson, Network for Democracy and Development (NDD), as a “normal cause because there is a need for it by the ethnic population. It is important for them to have that right of self identity- to who they are and to where they belong. This overarching issue of democratic rights places a challenge to ethnic identity. If we see this holistic picture of Burma and if we have a wider perspective, we can see this as a challenge to build mutual trust among each other”, Ohmar who also sits as Foreign Affairs Secretary of the Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB), said.

FDB is a member of the Movement for Democracy and Rights of Ethnic Nationalities composed of 10 alliances including NYF, SCYB, WLB, NCGUB, MPU (Members of Parliament Union), NLD-LA, NDF, DAB ( Democratic Alliance of Burma), and NCUB.

Together, the Movement sees the 2010 elections , under the rule of the military’s 2008 constitution will not only fail to address the root cause of Burma’s crisis but will in fact further entrench military rule sowing the seeds for further instability and armed conflict. The Movement sees the 2008 Constitution “systematically entrenches injustice that will prolong conflict and instability in ethnically diverse Burma.”

Source: Northern Philippine Times
Link Burma Partnership

Burma's Sordid History of Unfair Elections

THE IRRAWADDY- With an abusive political state, what changes will the 2010 elections bring for the people of Burma? Besides, the 2008 Constitution which provides for military supremacy is reported to have been fraudulently voted upon under repressive conditions during the May 2008 Referendum as earlier reported.

The following is a report from the Irrawaddy on Burma's sordid history of unfair elections.

People are increasingly concerned about the credibility of the Burmese elections scheduled to be held sometime in 2010.

Ian Kelly, a spokesman for the US State Department, said recently that the military regime has taken no meaningful steps to put in place measures that would lead to a credible election.

What are the steps required for a credible election?

Most Burmese citizens, based on their experience, see the election as just another puppet show. A quick review of the history of Burmese elections shows that their cynicism is to be expected.

They have experienced many elections under different military regimes, following a referendum in 1973 that approved a constitution. Then in the 1990 national elections, a vast majority of citizens cast their votes in favor of democratic reform candidates, only to see the results of that landslide victory ignored by the military government.

Instead, after the 1990 election, the military regime convened a National Convention to draft a new constitution, which took 14 years and 9 months to complete. A Constitution Drafting Commission was finally assembled on Oct. 27, 2007, which took a mere three months to draft the constitution that was voted on in the referendum. Many delegates complained that the drafting process was undemocratic and deeply biased in favor of the junta.

On Feb. 9, 2008, the regime announced that the constitutional referendum would be held in May. Copies of the proposed constitution were finally published on April 9, one month ahead of the referendum, leaving citizens little time to debate and understand the fine points of the draft constitution. The referendum was held on May 10. Clearly, it was a rush to judgment designed to put into place an anti-democratic constitution that ensures the military government's hold on power.

More here in The Irrawaddy

Questions on Burma Polls

WASHINGTON—The United States has voiced skepticism about Burma’s upcoming elections and urged the ruling junta to reach out to ethnic minorities and the opposition led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

“So far we have not seen any meaningful steps by the regime to indicate it is putting in place measures that would lead to credible elections,” State Department spokesman Ian Kelly said.

“Much of the opposition's leadership remains in prison, there is no space for political dissent or debate, and no freedom of press.”

Opposition members were similarly skeptical of polls that the junta has confirmed will occur in 2010.

“Most hope that the election will bring about change and that there might be space for democratic forces to work toward their aspirations,” Daw San San, who was elected to parliament in abortive 1990 elections.

“But ... if the 2010 election is to be held based on the 2008 Constitution, then I don’t think we can hope for any democratic changes,” she said in an interview.

Tint Swe, a minister in the exile cabinet of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB), said he believes the junta is intentionally giving the opposition too little time to mount a campaign.

“In 1989, Aung San Suu Kyi said a party would need about two years to prepare for an election. Now we don’t know how many months we’ll get. It’s not good for the parties, nor for the people. I suspect the junta is deliberately doing this,” Tint Swe said.

‘Correct choices’

The Southeast Asian country’s military leader, Gen. Than Shwe, has meanwhile urged the Burmese people to make what he called “correct choices” in the polls, though he didn’t indicate what those would be.

In comments to mark Burma’s Independence Day, he called the junta’s seven-stage "road map" to democracy “the sole process for transition.”

No date for elections has been set, but they will be the first since 1990, when the military refused to recognize the opposition’s victory.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won by a landslide but was never permitted to take office.

Aung San Suu Kyi has spent most of the last two decades under house arrest, despite widespread international appeals for her release.

New U.S. tack

U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration has taken a new tack on Burma, after decades of sanctions that have failed to push the regime toward greater openness.

Sen. Jim Webb, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs and a leading U.S. advocate for engagement with Burma, said he was “pleased” by Than Shwe's indication that elections would occur.

“I have expressed my view to the Burmese leadership that the United Nations or other international organizations could provide valuable election assistance, and thus enhance the integrity of the process,” Webb, who held a rare meeting with the reclusive Than Shwe in 2009, said.

“I stand ready to help in all appropriate ways as we work toward the day when the Burmese people can fully rejoin the world community.”

SOURCE:
Original reporting by San San Tin and Zaw Moe Kyaw. Written in English by Sarah Jackson-Han in Radio Free Asia.

Junta selects proxy candidates for 2010 elections

The Burma junta government wants to make sure that they will hold power again during the 2010 elections, The Irrawaddy reports.

"The Burmese government has selected more than 300 proxy candidates to run in the general election in 2010.

Three hundred candidates were selected from military personnel who are now attending the National Defense University in Naypyidaw.

According to the sources in Rangoon and Naypyidaw, the candidates will run under the banner of the National Politics Party, a proxy party for the military, which has yet to be formed.

The candidates will undergo a three-month training process prior to the election, sources said.

Included among the government-selected candidates will also be members of the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA) and the Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association (MMCWA).

While some members participate with the new political party, the two organizations will retain their current status as "social welfare groups," according to the sources.

Sources also said the government will also provide campaign funds and offer its own candidates to other political parties that will take part in 2010 election.

According to the 2008 constitution, the military is guaranteed control of 25 percent of both the Upper House and Lower House seats in parliament.

Meanwhile, the formation of a new political party, the Democratic Party, was announced on Monday in Rangoon. The party will be headed by the daughter of late Prime Minister U Nu, along with two daughters of former high-ranking political leaders.

The main Burmese opposition party, the National League for Democracy, has said it will not participate in the election unless the government meets certain conditions. It says the election is a sham designed to perpetuate military rule under the guise of democracy."

The desperate Burmese junta

The Burmese junta is that desperate to put Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on trial so she will not take part in the 2010 elections next year. Putting her on another five-year imprisonment will be another round of happy days for the ruling oppressive State Peace Democratic Council (SPDC).

This means the democratic movement needs to take on fresh and more dynamic moves of how to thwart this atrocious move of SPDC and its generals. While the international movement is pressing the seemingly deaf junta to release San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners, other ways are being undertaken.

One current step are legal moves in the international arena to try the junta’s generals and those responsible for countless numbers of human rights violations and perpetration of crimes of inhumanity in Burma.

While this is so, read the opinion of Kyaw Zwa Moe in The Irrawaddy.

“The trial of Aung San Suu Kyi is an unofficial step in the ruling junta’s seven-step road map. It is an essential one for the generals as they look ahead to the fifth step—the upcoming election in 2010.

The generals must now see, however, that by putting Suu Kyi on trial they took one step forward and two steps back.

The regime had no alternative as it prepared for the upcoming election. For the generals, the election is not only a step towards political legitimacy, but also the apparatus with which they can legalize the role of the military within the country’s political system.

The road map has three more steps—the election, the convening of a parliamentary assembly and the construction of “a modern, developed and democratic nation.”

More here in One Step Forward, Two Steps Back.